Residual View Of Social Welfare
Social Policy
The proper noun of 'social policy' is used to refer to the policies which governments use for welfare and social protection, to the ways in which welfare is adult in a lodge, and to the academic study of the subject area.
In the offset sense, social policy is particularly concerned with social services and the welfare land. In the second, broader sense, it stands for a range of issues extending far beyond the actions of regime - the means past which welfare is promoted, and the social and economical conditions which shape the development of welfare.
Social Policy and Administration
Social Policy and Administration is an bookish subject concerned with the study of social services and the welfare state. Information technology adult in the early function of the 20th century as a complement to social work studies, aimed at people who would be professionally involved in the assistants of welfare. In the form of the concluding forty years, the range and breadth of the subject has developed. The principal areas relate to
- policy and administrative practice in social services, including health administration, social security, education, employment services, customs care and housing policy;
- social problems, including crime, disability, unemployment, mental wellness, learning disability, and old age;
- issues relating to social disadvantage, including race, gender, poverty, labour and the economy; and
- the range of collective social responses to these conditions.
Social Policy is a subject expanse, not a discipline; information technology borrows from other social science disciplines in society to develop study in the area. The contributory disciplines include sociology, social work, psychology, economics, political science, management, history, philosophy and police force.
External links: Jonathan Bradshaw, Pete Alcock, Nick Ellison and Hartley Dean talk about the nature of social policy; Peter-Taylor Gooby writes about it.
Welfare
Welfare is an cryptic term, used in three master senses:
- Welfare commonly refers to 'well-being'. In welfare economics, welfare is understood in terms of 'utility'; people's well-being or interests consist of the things they choose to have.
- Welfare also refers to the range of services which are provided to protect people in a number of conditions, including babyhood, sickness and one-time age. The idea of the 'welfare country' is an example. This is equivalent to the term 'social protection' in the European union.
- In the United states, welfare refers specifically to financial assistance to poor people (e.g. Temporary Aid to Needy Families). This usage is not mostly reflected elsewhere, merely information technology has been adopted past politicians in the UK in contempo years.
Welfare is oftentimes associated with needs, merely it goes beyond what people need; to achieve well being, people must have choices, and the scope to choose personal goals and ambitions.
The 'welfare state'
The thought of the welfare country means unlike things in different countries.
- An ideal model. The "welfare state" often refers to an ideal model of provision, where the country accepts responsibility for the provision of comprehensive and universal welfare for its citizens.
- State welfare. Some commentators use it to hateful nothing more than than "welfare provided by the state". This is the main utilise in the USA.
- Social protection. In many "welfare states", notably those in Western Europe and Scandinavia, social protection is not delivered just past the state, simply by a combination of regime, contained, voluntary, and autonomous public services. The "welfare land" in these countries is then a arrangement of social protection rather than a scheme operated past government.
The most prevalent model in much of Europe is probably the third, strongly identified with the thought of solidarity and common aid. (i) It follows that the entries on the 'welfare state' in the Encyclopaedia Britannica or Wikipedia are misleading; they assume that the welfare country is "a concept of regime" and that government pays for welfare. Neither is necessarily truthful.
This section repeats some definitions from another folio of this website, which looks at models of welfare provision in several countries. If you lot would like to read more about the welfare state in an international context, you should go to the page on welfare states.
Arguments for welfare
- humanitarian. Concerns about poverty and demand have been central to many developments.
- religious. Several of the globe'due south major religions make charity a religious duty. Beyond charity, Catholicism recognises a duty of social solidarity (or mutual social responsibleness); Judaism, Islam and Lutheran Christianity require collective responsibility for ane's community.
- mutual self-interest. Many welfare systems have adult, not from state action, merely from a combination of mutualist activities, gradually reinforced past government.
- autonomous. Social protection has developed in tandem with democratic rights.
- practical. Welfare provision has economic and social benefits. Countries with more extensive systems of social protection tend to be richer and have less poverty. (The primary difficulty of evaluating this is knowing which comes starting time, wealth or welfare.)
At that place is scarcely a government in the world that does not recognise the forcefulness of these arguments and make some form of collective social provision. The real disputes are not almost whether welfare should exist, but near how much provision there should exist, and how it should be done.
External link. Paul Spicker: Arguments for Welfare (sample chapter available)
Arguments against welfare
The main objections to the provision of welfare come from the 'radical correct'. They are against welfare in principle, on the basis that it violates people's freedom. Redistribution is theft; taxation is forced labour. (2) These arguments rest on some questionable assumptions:
- People have accented rights to utilise property equally they wish. People in a society are interdependent, and the production of property depends on social arrangements. Rights to holding are conventional. Liability to tax is part of the conventions.
- People practice not consent to welfare provision; redistributive arrangements are based in compulsion. This is not necessarily true. Several countries have developed welfare systems, in whole or in role, on a voluntary, mutualist ground - Denmark, Republic of finland and Sweden have moved to compulsion merely recently.
- The rights of the individual are paramount. Property rights are certainly important, but few people would argue that holding rights are more than important than every other moral value. If one person owns all the nutrient in a region while everybody else is starving, do the others have no moral claim on it?
The radical right also claim that the welfare country has undesirable effects in practice. Economically, it can be argued that economic development is more important for welfare than social provision. Dollar and Kraay, for the World Bank, have argued that property rights and a market economic system are essential for growth and so for the protection of the poor. (3) It would not follow that welfare is unimportant. The other principal statement is that the welfare state undermines economical performance. This position, reviewed later in the department on the economics of welfare states, is not consistent with the bear witness.
In social terms, the welfare country is accused of fostering dependency and trapping people in poverty. (4) Show on the dynamics of poverty shows that poverty and dependency are not long-term, just impact people at different stages in the life cycle; the population of welfare claimants is constantly changing. For most people in developed countries, poverty is transitory. (five) Where poor people are separated and excluded by welfare, this is mainly the product of the kinds of restricted, residual arrangement the radical right has been arguing for.
External link. Video: Milton Friedman criticises the U.s.a.'s 'welfare state'
Who is welfare for?
- This question can be answered in many ways. Welfare might be seen as existence for people who are poor or in demand; it might be a form of social protection; it might exist the right of every denizen. In that location are many possible models: here are 4 of them.
- Rest welfare Welfare provision is oft seen every bit being for the poor. This was the dominant model in English-speaking countries; the English language Poor Law (1601-1948) was exported to many other countries. This has been taken as the model of a residual system of welfare, in which welfare is a safety cyberspace, confined to those who are unable to manage otherwise.
- Solidarity Welfare in much of Europe is based on the principle of solidarity, or mutual responsibility. The responsibilities which people take to each other depend on their relationships; people in gild are part of solidaristic social networks. Many of the rights which people have are particular, rather than general - they depend on a person'south circumstances, piece of work record or family relationships, non on general rights protected by the country. Those who are not part of such networks are said to be 'excluded'.
- Institutional welfare An institutional system is one in which need is accepted as a normal part of social life. Welfare is provided for the population every bit a whole, in the aforementioned way as public services like roads or schools might be. In an institutional system, welfare is not just for the poor: it is for everyone.
- Industrial achievement/performance Welfare has often been seen as productivist, or a 'handmaiden' to the economy. Information technology helps employers, by preparing and servicing the chapters of the workforce, and information technology acts as an economic regulator, stimulating demand when production is depression. More recent analyses have emphasised the role of welfare as a 'social investment'. The European Committee explains:
'social investment is about investing in people. It ways policies designed to strengthen people's skills and capacities, and to support them to participate fully in employment and social life. Primal policy areas include education, quality childcare, healthcare, training, job search assistance and rehabilitation.' [6]
Further textile: Values in social policy
The correct to welfare
Although the receipt of welfare is frequently framed in terms of rights, rights mean different things in different places.- Homo rights are rights for everyone, regardless of status or nationality. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights guarantees rights to social security [vii], and the Un has come to accept that extreme poverty is in itself a breach of man rights. [8]
- The rights of citizenship are bachelor to people in specific countries on the footing that they are accepted as members of a political customs. Marshall describes citizenship as 'a status bestowed on those who are full members of a community. All those who possess the status are equal with respect to the rights and duties with which the condition is endowed.' [nine] The rights of citizenship are general rights, typically including rights to social protection, health care and access to justice, but they may exist denied to non-citizens and migrants.
- Particular rights are rights that are specific to the people who hold them - such as the rights held by people who are parties to a contract. Many of the near important rights to welfare are personal and particular rather than based on citizenship: examples are pensions and rights relating to housing.
Universality and selectivity
Universal benefits and services are benefits available to anybody as a right, or at least to whole categories of people (like 'erstwhile people' or 'children'). Selective benefits and services are reserved for people in demand. The arguments refer to the same issues equally 'institutional' and 'residual' welfare, but in that location is an important difference. Institutional and residual welfare are principles: universality and selectivity are methods. A residual system might use a universal service where appropriate (east.chiliad. a residual arrangement of wellness intendance might be associated with universal public health); an institutional organization needs some selective benefits to ensure that needs are met.
Universal services tin can reach everyone on the same terms. This is the argument for public services, similar roads and sewers: it was extended in the 1940s to didactics and health services. The main objection to universal services is their price - but in the poorest countries, universal services like Essential Health Intendance Packages have been used to hold down costs strictly. Selectivity is often presented every bit being more efficient: less coin is spent to amend outcome. There are problems with selective services, still: because recipients have to exist identified, the services can be administratively complex and expensive to run, and there are often purlieus bug caused by trying to include some people while excluding others. Selective services sometimes fail to accomplish people in demand.
Paul Spicker talks to the BBC's 'Skilful Forenoon Scotland' almost universal benefits (MP3 file, six.3Mb; reproduced by permission)
World Health Organization: Essential health care packages
Models of welfare
- corporatist r�gimes are piece of work-oriented and based on individual contribution.
- social democratic r�gimes favour universalist values.
- liberal r�gimes tend to be residualist. [11]
The grouping of particular countries tends to be unreliable, but the nomenclature may assist to sympathize some of the principal patterns of provision. This table shows rates of economical exclusion in five countries. The blueish bars at the front show the proportions of poor people; the ruby confined the "poverty gap", how far those remaining fall below minimum standards; and the green bars at the rear the numbers of people before transfers and taxes. Social protection in the United kingdom and Sweden is institutional, but the UK offers less to poor people, both in the numbers of people brought out of poverty and in poverty reduction. France is solidaristic, just its operation has still secured coverage as expert as the institutional welfare states. The German system is piece of work oriented: it excludes some people who have not contributed, and it does not extend to those on the highest incomes. The system in the United states of america has substantial residue elements, and social policy is frequently hostile to the poor. It has fewer people in poverty before transfers than France or Germany, just it fails to bring people out of poverty and the poverty that remains is more severe.
Further fabric: Welfare states
The economics of the welfare state
Social policy is to a large extent dominated by economic policy, because much of it in practise is determined by authorities, and economical policy determines the amount that government is prepared to spend. There are 2 main views of public spending: monetarist and Keynesian.
Keynes: "the man
who saved capitalism".
- Monetarism is based on a view of the economy as cocky-stabilising. In times of stringency, information technology is necessary to reduce spending, on the basis that increased saving will lead to growth later. If the regime does not balance its budget, there will exist aggrandizement (money volition be worth less) and at that place will exist fewer resources bachelor to the private sector for the economic system to aggrandize productively.
- Keynesianism sees government intervention in the economy every bit necessary for the stability of the economy. Public spending is an important regulator which can exist used to stimulate the economy at a fourth dimension of a slump or to damp downwards growth if it happens besides speedily. Unemployment is unnecessarily wasteful. In the long run, Keynes argued, the economy may right itself; only in the long run, 'we are all dead'. The validity of Keynes' approach was proven by the US New Deal. Keynesianism achieved full employment but was abandoned because it did not address other economic problems, notably inflation and tiresome growth.
In recent years both views take been supplanted by a new financial orthodoxy, which combines government regulation with market-based provision, "targeted" expenditure and counterbalanced budgets.
Further material: British economic policy | Pathe Video: l years progress (1960), jubilant total employment
Paying for welfare
Many public services are provided non by the state, but past combinations of state, independent, mutual and voluntary activity - a 'mixed economy' of welfare. State welfare is frequently assumed to depend on finance through taxation. However, revenue enhancement is supposed to practice many things at once: the aims include
- raising acquirement for public functions
- repricing - changing the manner marketplace signals work (e.g. taxes on tobacco)
- redistribution: in economical terms, 'transfer payments' are not really spending, but moving money betwixt people instead, and have little direct effect on an economy
- irresolute behaviour (incentives, discentives and subsidies)
- conveying a moral position (support for families, or religious charities)
- fiscal policy (steering an economy) , and
- solidarity (recognising rights and imposing responsibilities).
The finance of public activity, meanwhile, depends not just on taxation, but on
- contributions (many welfare systems are non-governmental; some are voluntary)
- other voluntary payments (due east.m. lotteries, donations)
- nationalisation and sequestration (governments can, and practise, merits or confiscate resources)
- charges
- government commercial activity (e.g. profits on government enterprise)
- other regime revenue (due east.k. returns on investment, or the acquisition, development and sale of resources).
It follows that while welfare services can be paid for by taxation, the terms are not only equivalent.
Further material: Public finance
The welfare state and economic performance
There is no consistent evidence to back up either view. The relationship of the economic system and public spending is circuitous. Atkinson has brought together evidence from a broad range of opposing studies. Although developed countries generally spend more than on welfare than less developed countries, adult countries with college welfare spending do non generally practice better or worse than adult countries which have less. [12]
The graph, showing the relationship between welfare spending and national income (Gdp), is fatigued from OECD data. It is possible to give the impression that the human relationship is negative or positive, by selectively excluding some results, but the truth is that it shows no clear pattern. Beyond the OECD - an system that covers the main industrialised Western countries - the general trend is that richer countries tend to spend college proportions of their GDP on social protection.
The 'crunch' of welfare
The term "crisis" is used adequately indiscriminately by critics of the right and left. From the perspective of the right, welfare is undesirable and economically dissentious. To Marxists, welfare is often represented every bit unsustainable. Neither position is supported consistently by the evidence, but every bit both positions are held on organized religion they have been impossible to dislodge.
Pierson points to three principal uses of the idea of a "crunch". They are:
- Crunch equally a turning bespeak. A crunch is a flow when long continuing problems become particularly severe.
- Crisis as an external shock. Examples include war, problems in the international economy or the "oil crisis" of the 1970s.
- Crisis equally a long standing contradiction. Marxists believe that welfare and capitalism are incompatible, and have been claiming that crises spell doom for a hundred and fifty years. [13]
The Washington Consensus argued for liberalisation of economies and reductions in state involvement in the economy; this led to the imposition of 'structural adjustment'. The arguments for 'austerity' in Europe accept followed a similar blueprint. This approach has not been prompted by patterns of welfare expenditure.
References
- Run into e.g. P Baldwin, 1990, The politics of social solidarity, Cambridge University Printing 1990.
- e.m. R Nozick, 1974, Anarchy state and utopia, Bones Books.
- D Dollar, A Kraay, 2001, Growth is practiced for the poor, World Bank; D Dollar, T Kleineberg, A Kraay, 2013, Growth is still good for the poor, World Bank.
- e.m. C Murray, 1984, Losing Ground, Basic Books.
- see e.g. L Leisering, R Walker (eds) 1988, The dynamics of modern gild, Policy Printing; or S Cellini, 2008, The dynamics of poverty in the United States.
- European Commission, Social investment.
- Un, 1948, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, article 22.
- United Nations, 2012, Guiding Principles on Extreme Poverty and Homo Rights.
- T H Marshall, 1963, Sociology at the crossroads, Heinemann p 87.
- K �ktem, C Erdogan, 2019, Between welfare land and (state-organised) charity International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, https://doi.org/10.1108/IJSSP-11-2018-0217
- Yard Esping-Andersen, 1990, The Iii Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Polity.
- A B Atkinson, 1995, The welfare country and economical operation, in Incomes and the welfare state, Cambridge University Press
- C Pierson, 2006, Beyond the welfare state, Cambridge: Polity.
Farther reading
P Spicker, Social policy: theory and exercise, Policy Printing 2014.
P Kennedy, Central Themes in Social Policy, Routledge 2013.
R M Titmuss, Essays on the Welfare State, Allen and Unwin 1963
D Garland, The welfare state: a very brusk introduction, Oxford University Press 2016
P Spicker, Arguments for welfare, Rowman and Littlefield, 2017
The main international journals in the subject are the Journal of European Social Policy and Social Policy and Administration.
Residual View Of Social Welfare,
Source: http://www.spicker.uk/social-policy/socpol.htm
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